Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States" offers a radically different perspective on American history than what is typically taught in schools or presented in mainstream media. Rather than focusing on the triumphs of presidents, generals and industrialists, Zinn tells the story of America from the viewpoint of the oppressed and marginalized - Native Americans, enslaved Africans and their descendants, workers, women, and other groups who have often been overlooked or misrepresented in conventional historical accounts.
First published in 1980, Zinn's book challenges many of the myths and narratives that Americans have long been taught about their nation's past. He argues that far from being a beacon of freedom and democracy, the United States was built on a foundation of genocide, slavery, exploitation, and the concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a small elite. Throughout its history, Zinn contends, the U.S. government has consistently acted to protect the interests of the rich and powerful at the expense of ordinary people, both at home and abroad.
While Zinn's perspective is unabashedly left-wing and at times polemical, his book sheds light on many aspects of American history that are often glossed over or ignored entirely. By amplifying the voices of those who have traditionally been silenced or marginalized, he presents a more complete and nuanced picture of the nation's past. Whether one agrees with all of Zinn's conclusions or not, "A People's History" remains an important and influential work that challenges readers to think critically about American history and how it is told.
The Genocide of Native Americans
One of the most shocking aspects of early American history that Zinn explores is the systematic destruction of Native American societies by European colonizers. Far from the sanitized tales of peaceful cooperation often presented in school textbooks, the reality was one of brutal conquest and genocide.
Zinn begins by examining the actions of Christopher Columbus, long celebrated as a heroic explorer who "discovered" America. Drawing on Columbus's own journals, Zinn reveals the explorer's true intentions and actions. Upon encountering the peaceful Arawak people in the Bahamas, Columbus immediately saw an opportunity for exploitation, writing that "with fifty men we could subjugate them all and make them do whatever we want."
What followed was a campaign of enslavement, rape, and murder. Native people who failed to produce enough gold had their hands cut off. In just three months, 7,000 children died in the mines or were killed by Spanish colonizers. By 1515, the Arawak population had been reduced from 250,000 to just 50,000. By 1650, they had been completely wiped out.
This pattern would be repeated across North America as English settlers arrived in Virginia and Massachusetts in the 17th century. Treaties made with Native tribes were routinely broken as colonists pushed westward, seizing more and more land. When Native people resisted, they were brutally suppressed.
One of the most notorious examples was the Trail of Tears in the 1830s, when the Cherokee and other tribes were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands in the Southeast and marched over a thousand miles to present-day Oklahoma. Thousands died along the way from disease, starvation and exposure. The Cherokee had been promised they could "rest" in Alabama, but were soon forced to move again.
Beyond direct violence, European colonizers also spread deadly diseases to which Native populations had no immunity. On Martha's Vineyard, for instance, the Native population plummeted from about 3,000 in 1642 to just 313 by 1764 - a decline of nearly 90% in just over a century.
Zinn argues that this decimation of Native societies was not an accidental byproduct of colonization, but a deliberate strategy. By the late 1700s, American colonists were actively distributing smallpox-infected blankets to Native tribes to reduce their population. The goal was to clear the land for white settlement and eliminate resistance to westward expansion.
This systematic destruction of Native American societies and seizure of their lands formed the foundation upon which the United States was built. Yet for centuries, mainstream histories downplayed or ignored this dark chapter, presenting a romanticized version of peaceful cooperation between Europeans and Natives. By bringing these ugly truths to light, Zinn forces readers to grapple with the profound injustice at the heart of America's origins.
The Horrors of Slavery
With Native American populations decimated, European colonizers turned to Africa as a source of slave labor to work the plantations being established in the Americas. Zinn details the horrific realities of the trans-Atlantic slave trade and the system of chattel slavery that underpinned the economy of the early United States.
Between 1600 and 1800, an estimated 10-15 million enslaved Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic in abominable conditions. Packed tightly into ships, many suffocated or died from disease during the brutal journey. Approximately one out of every three enslaved people perished before even reaching American shores. For the slave traders, however, the profits were so enormous that these losses were considered an acceptable cost of doing business.
By 1763, enslaved Africans made up about half the population of Jamestown, Virginia. They were treated as property to be bought, sold, and exploited mercilessly. Families were routinely torn apart as children were sold away from their parents. Women were frequently raped by their enslavers. Brutal physical punishment was used to crush the spirits of the enslaved and prevent rebellion.
Zinn pushes back against the myth promoted by some historians that Africans were naturally submissive or suited to slavery. In reality, resistance began from the very start of the slave trade. There were numerous slave revolts and escape attempts. In 1712, for example, 21 enslaved people were executed in New York for planning an uprising that killed nine whites.
The greatest fear of the early American ruling class was that poor whites and enslaved blacks would join forces to overthrow the wealthy elites. To prevent this, laws were passed forbidding whites and blacks from even speaking to one another. Despite these efforts, there were still many early uprisings led by unified groups of white indentured servants and black slaves.
Zinn argues that racism was deliberately cultivated by the ruling class to keep poor whites and blacks divided, preventing them from recognizing their common interests and uniting against their true oppressors. By pitting different groups of workers against each other, the wealthy were able to maintain their dominant position.
Even after slavery was officially abolished following the Civil War, Zinn shows how a new system of racial oppression quickly emerged to keep black Americans in a subordinate position. Former slave owners were compensated for their lost "property," while the freed slaves were left with nothing. Attempts to provide land to black families were quickly reversed. A sharecropping system arose that kept many former slaves in a state of economic bondage.
By shining a light on the brutal realities of slavery and its aftermath, Zinn forces readers to confront how central the exploitation of African Americans has been to America's development. The immense wealth generated by slave labor helped fuel the country's early economic growth and laid the foundation for many of its most powerful institutions. Understanding this history is crucial for grappling with the legacy of racism that continues to shape American society today.
The Oppression of Women
While much of early American history focuses on the experiences of men, Zinn devotes significant attention to the oppression faced by women and their struggles for equality. From the colonial era onward, women were treated as second-class citizens, denied basic rights and opportunities.
When the first women arrived in Jamestown in 1619 - the same year as the first enslaved Africans - they were described as "agreeable persons, young and incorrupt... sold with their own consent to settlers as wives." In reality, many were essentially indentured servants, forced to sleep on the floor and subjected to whippings and other abuse.
Popular advice books of the time instructed women to be compliant and to "soften" and "entertain" men. They were intentionally isolated from one another, making it difficult for them to organize or resist their treatment as virtual slaves and servants.
The U.S. Constitution, crafted entirely by wealthy male landowners, did not even mention women. They were denied the right to vote, own property, or have any say in the laws that governed them. Married women had no legal existence apart from their husbands under the doctrine of coverture.
However, following the American Revolution, there were some gradual improvements. Between 1760 and 1840, the literacy rate for women doubled to about 80%. As more women began working in New England textile mills in the early 1800s, they started to organize for better conditions. In 1840, female mill workers went on strike demanding improved working conditions and healthcare reform.
The abolitionist movement provided an important outlet for women's activism. At the 1840 World Anti-Slavery Society Convention, Elizabeth Cady Stanton met Lucretia Mott. Angered by women being excluded from full participation in the convention, they went on to organize the first Women's Rights Convention that same year in Seneca Falls, New York. This is widely seen as the beginning of the organized women's rights movement in the United States.
The Seneca Falls Convention produced a "Declaration of Sentiments" modeled on the Declaration of Independence, proclaiming that "all men and women are created equal." It laid out a series of grievances about women's lack of rights and called for women to be granted full citizenship, including the right to vote.
Progress was slow and hard-fought. It would take until 1920 for women to finally win the right to vote nationally with the passage of the 19th Amendment. Even then, many women, especially women of color, continued to face barriers to exercising this right.
Zinn shows how the fight for women's equality was integrally connected to other social movements. Many of the most powerful voices in the abolitionist and labor movements were women. Later, women would play key roles in the civil rights, anti-war, and environmental movements of the 20th century.
By highlighting women's experiences and activism throughout American history, Zinn helps correct the male-centric view that has long dominated mainstream accounts. He reveals how women have always been at the forefront of struggles for social justice, even as they fought against their own oppression and marginalization.
The Exploitation of Workers
A central theme in Zinn's retelling of American history is the exploitation of workers by wealthy elites and the long struggle of labor to secure basic rights and decent working conditions. He shows how the immense fortunes of America's industrialists and bankers were built on the backs of poorly paid, overworked, and often endangered employees.
In the early 1800s, as the Industrial Revolution took hold in America, conditions for factory workers were often appalling. Men, women, and even young children worked 12-16 hour days in dangerous conditions for meager pay. Injuries and deaths from unsafe machinery were common. Workers had no recourse against abusive bosses or unjust treatment.
Zinn details how workers began to realize that by banding together, they could wield more power to improve their circumstances. Labor unions started forming in various industries, allowing workers to negotiate collectively for better wages and conditions. However, these early unions faced fierce opposition from business owners and the government.
One pivotal moment came in 1877, when 100,000 railroad workers went on strike nationwide to protest wage cuts and hazardous working conditions. The government responded by calling in 9,000 federal troops to violently suppress the strike. In the ensuing clashes, over 100 workers were killed. While the strike did manage to hold off the proposed wage cuts, its main impact was in demonstrating to workers across the country the need for greater organization and solidarity.
Many early unions were influenced by socialist and communist ideals, seeing their struggle as part of a broader fight against an unjust capitalist system. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), founded in 1905, was particularly radical. Unlike other unions of the time, it welcomed all workers regardless of race, gender, or skill level. The IWW played a key role in organizing some of the most marginalized workers, like immigrant textile workers in Lawrence, Massachusetts.
Business owners and the government viewed unions as a dire threat to their interests. Strikes were often broken up violently by police or private security forces. Union organizers faced arrest, beatings, and even murder. Despite this repression, the labor movement continued to grow. By 1900, over a million American workers belonged to unions.
Zinn shows how major gains for workers - like the 8-hour workday, weekends off, workplace safety regulations, child labor laws, and the minimum wage - were not simply granted by benevolent employers or politicians. They were hard-won through decades of organizing, strikes, and often bloody struggle.
Even after many labor protections were enshrined in law during the New Deal era of the 1930s, the fight was far from over. Zinn details ongoing efforts by business interests and their political allies to undermine unions and roll back workers' rights. He argues that the decline of union membership in recent decades has contributed to rising inequality and the erosion of the middle class.
By foregrounding labor history, Zinn challenges the popular narrative of America as a land of opportunity where anyone can get ahead through hard work. He shows how the deck has long been stacked in favor of wealthy elites, and how only through collective action have ordinary workers been able to secure a fairer share of the nation's prosperity.
Wars for Profit and Power
One of Zinn's most provocative arguments is that America's wars have typically been fought not for the noble causes publicly proclaimed, but to advance the economic interests of the nation's business and political elites. He meticulously deconstructs the official justifications for major conflicts to reveal the underlying motivations.
World War I provides a stark example. President Woodrow Wilson claimed America was entering the war in response to Germany sinking the passenger ship Lusitania and to defend American rights. What Wilson didn't mention was that the Lusitania was secretly carrying munitions, making it a legitimate military target. More importantly, Zinn argues, the real reason for U.S. involvement was to protect the massive loans American banks had made to Allied nations and to open up foreign markets for U.S. corporations.
Zinn notes that in 1915, Wilson had lifted the ban on private bank loans to foreign countries at war. By April 1917, when the U.S. entered WWI, American firms had sold $2 billion worth of goods to Allied countries. The war was a boon for major monopolies like U.S. Steel, Standard Oil, and J.P. Morgan. William Jennings Bryan, Wilson's own Secretary of State, later praised the president for having "opened the doors of all the weaker countries to an invasion of American capital and American enterprise."
This pattern would repeat in subsequent conflicts. World War II, while fought against the genuine evil of Nazi Germany, also served to dramatically expand American economic and military power globally. Zinn shows how a handful of major corporations reaped enormous profits from military contracts. After the war, there was a push to maintain a "permanent war economy," with military spending remaining at wartime levels justified by exaggerated threats from communism.
The Vietnam War, Zinn argues, was primarily about securing access to Southeast Asia's natural resources and markets. While the public was told America was fighting for Vietnamese independence from communism, internal government documents revealed interest in the region's "rich exportable surpluses" of rice, rubber, oil and other commodities.
Even smaller military actions often had economic motives. The 1983 invasion of Grenada under President Reagan, ostensibly to protect American medical students, was really about preventing a leftist government from coming to power and potentially nationalizing American-owned businesses on the island.
Zinn contends that the massive U.S. military budget - larger than that of the next several countries combined - is less about genuine defense needs and more about funneling tax dollars to weapons manufacturers and other military contractors. He cites numerous examples of the Pentagon purchasing expensive weapons systems that even military leaders said were unnecessary.
By exposing the often-hidden economic incentives behind warfare, Zinn challenges readers to be skeptical of official justifications for military action. He argues that the true costs of war - in lives lost, resources wasted, and moral standing diminished - far outweigh any benefits to the nation as a whole, even as they enrich a powerful few.
Government Suppression of Dissent
Throughout American history, Zinn shows how the government has consistently worked to suppress dissent and popular movements that threatened the status quo. This pattern of repression contradicts America's professed values of free speech and democracy.
During World War I, the Espionage Act made it a crime to speak out against the war or publish anti-war literature, punishable by up to 20 years in prison. Thousands were arrested for voicing opposition to the conflict. Labor leader Eugene Debs was sentenced to 10 years in prison simply for giving a speech against the war.
The Red Scare of the 1920s saw a massive crackdown on leftists, labor organizers, and immigrants. Thousands were deported without due process. Italian anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti were executed on flimsy evidence in a trial marred by anti-immigrant prejudice.
During the Cold War, the anti-communist hysteria of the McCarthy era led to loyalty oaths, blacklists, and the persecution of anyone suspected of leftist sympathies. Government programs like COINTELPRO in the 1960s and 70s secretly surveilled, infiltrated, and disrupted civil rights groups, anti-war organizations, and other activist movements.
Even nonviolent protest movements faced harsh government repression. Civil rights activists were beaten, arrested, and sometimes killed for challenging segregation. Anti-war demonstrators during Vietnam were attacked by police, with the infamous 1970 Kent State shootings leaving four students dead.
Zinn argues that this suppression of dissent serves to protect the interests of economic and political elites by preventing challenges to their power. By limiting the boundaries of acceptable political discourse and demonizing more radical voices, the government helps maintain the status quo.
At the same time, Zinn shows how movements for social change have persisted in the face of this repression. The civil rights movement, the anti-war movement, the women's movement, and others all faced government opposition but ultimately succeeded in bringing about significant changes. He argues that progress in American society has come not from the benevolence of leaders, but from organized resistance and protest from below.
The Myth of American Exceptionalism
A key aim of Zinn's book is to challenge the notion of American exceptionalism - the idea that the United States is uniquely virtuous and has a special role to play in the world. He argues that this myth has been used to justify imperialism, war, and the violation of other nations' sovereignty.
Zinn shows how the ideology of Manifest Destiny in the 19th century was used to rationalize the conquest of Native American lands and the war with Mexico that seized half of Mexico's territory. The annexation of Hawaii, the Spanish-American War, and subsequent interventions in Latin America were all justified through appeals to America's supposed destiny to spread democracy and civilization.
This mindset continued into the 20th century, with America casting itself as the defender of the "free world" against communism. This provided the pretext for overthrowing democratically elected governments, propping up brutal dictatorships, and waging war in countries like Vietnam that posed no real threat to the United States.
Zinn argues that America's foreign policy has consistently prioritized economic interests and geopolitical power over the human rights and self-determination it claims to champion. He provides numerous examples of the U.S. supporting repressive regimes that served American business interests while overthrowing popular governments that threatened those interests.
By puncturing the myth of American exceptionalism, Zinn encourages readers to view their country's actions more critically and to question whether its global interventions truly serve the ideals it proclaims.
The Concentration of Wealth and Power
A central theme in Zinn's analysis is how wealth and power have remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite throughout American history, despite the country's democratic pretensions.
He notes that by 1770, the top 1% of property owners controlled 44% of the wealth in the American colonies. Remarkably, this same level of inequality persists today, with the wealthiest 1% now owning about 40% of the nation's wealth.
Zinn shows how the Founding Fathers, despite their lofty rhetoric about equality and democracy, were primarily concerned with protecting the property rights of wealthy landowners like themselves. The Constitution they crafted gave no rights to women, slaves, indentured servants, or men without property.
As America industrialized in the 19th century, a new class of super-wealthy industrialists and bankers emerged. Figures like John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, and J.P. Morgan amassed unprecedented fortunes while their workers lived in poverty. Zinn details how these "robber barons" used their wealth to buy political influence, manipulate the financial system, and crush attempts at labor organizing.
This alliance between big business and government has persisted to the present day. Zinn cites numerous examples of how corporate interests shape policy through campaign contributions, lobbying, and the "revolving door" between government and industry. Major legislation on everything from healthcare to financial regulation is heavily influenced by powerful business lobbies.
Zinn argues that the two-party political system offers only the illusion of choice, with both Democrats and Republicans ultimately serving the interests of the wealthy elite. He contends that real democracy is subverted by the outsized influence of money in politics and the limited range of debate in mainstream media owned by large corporations.
While there have been periods of reform that have somewhat curtailed the power of big business, like the Progressive Era and the New Deal, Zinn shows how economic elites have consistently fought to roll back regulations and worker protections. He sees the rise of inequality in recent decades as the result of a sustained campaign by business interests to undo many of the gains made by the labor movement and other popular struggles.
By tracing this thread of concentrated wealth and power throughout American history, Zinn challenges the popular narrative of the United States as a land of equal opportunity. He argues that the deck has always been stacked in favor of the rich and powerful, and that only through mass movements and collective action have ordinary people been able to win a fairer share.
The Importance of Popular Struggle
Despite the often-grim picture he paints of exploitation and oppression, Zinn's history is ultimately hopeful. He shows how, time and again, ordinary people have come together to resist injustice and push for positive change, often against seemingly insurmountable odds.
From slave rebellions to labor strikes, from civil rights marches to anti-war protests, Zinn chronicles how popular movements have been the true engine of progress in American society. He argues that the most significant advances in democracy, equality, and social justice have come not from the benevolence of leaders or the wisdom of the Founding Fathers, but from the struggles of ordinary people.
Zinn highlights many examples of successful popular movements throughout American history:
- The abolitionist movement that helped end slavery
- The women's suffrage movement that won women the right to vote
- The labor movement that secured the 8-hour workday, weekends, and other worker protections
- The civil rights movement that dismantled legal segregation
- The anti-war movement that helped end the Vietnam War
- The environmental movement that led to regulations protecting air and water quality
- The LGBTQ+ rights movement that has won increasing legal equality and social acceptance
In each case, Zinn shows how these movements faced fierce opposition from entrenched powers but ultimately succeeded through persistence, courage, and solidarity. He argues that change comes when people overcome their differences to unite around common causes and take direct action to challenge unjust systems.
Importantly, Zinn doesn't present these struggles as discrete, isolated events. He shows how different movements often intersected and built upon each other. For instance, many women became politically active through the abolitionist movement, which helped spark the women's rights movement. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 60s inspired and intersected with the anti-war movement, the feminist movement, and other social justice causes.
Zinn's emphasis on popular struggle serves several purposes. First, it gives agency and voice to ordinary people who are often left out of traditional histories focused on presidents and generals. It shows that history is made not just by a few "great men," but by the collective actions of many.
Second, it provides inspiration and practical lessons for contemporary activists. By detailing the strategies, successes, and setbacks of past movements, Zinn offers a guide for those seeking to create change today.
Finally, Zinn's focus on popular movements challenges the notion that change comes primarily through working within the system or electing the right leaders. He argues that more fundamental change requires building power from below and directly confronting unjust systems and institutions.
While acknowledging that the path of struggle is difficult and victories are often partial or temporary, Zinn maintains an underlying optimism about human potential for positive change. He sees this long history of popular resistance as evidence that people, when united, have the power to shape their society and create a more just world.
Conclusion
Howard Zinn's "A People's History of the United States" offers a radical reinterpretation of American history that challenges many comforting myths and received wisdom. By shifting the focus from elites to ordinary people, from the victors to the vanquished, Zinn presents a more complete and nuanced picture of the nation's past.
His account reveals the dark underbelly of American progress - the genocide of Native Americans, the brutality of slavery, the exploitation of workers, the oppression of women and minorities, and the human costs of war and empire. It shows how concentrated wealth and power have shaped government policy to benefit a small elite at the expense of the majority.
Yet Zinn's history is not merely a litany of oppression and injustice. It is also a chronicle of resistance and hope, detailing how popular movements have repeatedly risen up to challenge injustice and expand the boundaries of freedom and democracy. From this perspective, American history becomes not a steady march of progress guided by wise leaders, but an ongoing struggle between the powerful and the powerless, with advances coming through collective action from below.
Zinn's work serves as a powerful antidote to sanitized versions of history that gloss over uncomfortable truths. By confronting the nation's failings and contradictions, he argues, we can better understand the roots of contemporary problems and draw inspiration from past struggles to address them.
Critics have accused Zinn of being one-sided or overly negative in his portrayal of American history. He openly acknowledges his left-wing perspective and makes no claims to absolute objectivity. His goal is explicitly to tell the stories that have been left out of traditional histories and to challenge readers to think critically about the narratives they've been taught.
Whether one agrees with all of Zinn's interpretations or not, "A People's History" remains a landmark work that has reshaped how many Americans understand their nation's past. Its enduring popularity - selling over two million copies since its first publication - speaks to a hunger for alternative perspectives on history that go beyond textbook platitudes and patriotic mythmaking.
Ultimately, Zinn's history is a call to action. By showing how ordinary people have repeatedly come together to resist injustice and create change, he seeks to inspire readers to become active participants in shaping their society. He challenges us to critically examine the present, learn from the struggles of the past, and work collectively to build a more just and equitable future.
In an era of rising inequality, political polarization, and renewed struggles for racial and social justice, Zinn's people's history feels as relevant as ever. It reminds us that the true power to create change has always resided not with presidents or plutocrats, but with organized, determined citizens willing to stand up for their rights and for each other. In this way, "A People's History" is not just about understanding the past, but about reimagining what's possible for the future.