Introduction
The relationship between the United States and Cuba has been one of the most contentious and complicated in modern geopolitics. For over half a century, these two nations, separated by just 90 miles of ocean, have been locked in a tense standoff marked by hostility, mistrust, and failed attempts at reconciliation. Yet despite the public animosity and rhetoric, behind the scenes there has been a constant stream of secret negotiations and back-channel communications between Washington and Havana.
In "Back Channel to Cuba," author William M. LeoGrande provides a fascinating inside look at the hidden history of US-Cuba relations since the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Drawing on extensive research and interviews, LeoGrande reveals how successive US administrations, from Eisenhower to Obama, have engaged in covert talks with the Castro regime even while maintaining an official policy of isolation and confrontation. This book offers valuable insight into the complex dynamics between these two adversaries and sheds new light on key events like the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Bay of Pigs invasion, and various immigration crises.
As LeoGrande demonstrates, the story of US-Cuba relations is not simply one of unrelenting hostility, but rather a nuanced tale of secret diplomacy, missed opportunities, and the persistent hope on both sides that normal relations might one day be possible. By uncovering this hidden history of negotiations, "Back Channel to Cuba" provides crucial context for understanding the complicated relationship between these two neighbors and offers lessons for the future of US-Cuba engagement.
The Cuban Revolution and Early US Reactions
The modern era of US-Cuban relations began with the Cuban Revolution of 1959, which saw Fidel Castro and his rebel forces overthrow the US-backed dictator Fulgencio Batista. While Cubans celebrated their newfound independence, the United States viewed the revolution with suspicion and concern.
Initially, both sides expressed a desire for good relations. Castro embarked on a goodwill tour of the US in April 1959, meeting with government officials and the press. However, tensions quickly emerged. Castro refused US financial assistance, intent on charting an independent course for Cuba free from American influence. President Eisenhower snubbed Castro by going golfing during his visit, offending the new Cuban leader.
Relations deteriorated further when Castro began implementing socialist policies, including the nationalization of large estates and US-owned businesses. By late 1959, the CIA was already exploring ways to overthrow Castro's government. The US ambassador to Cuba, Philip Bonsal, urged patience and engagement with the new regime, but his advice went unheeded.
A major turning point came in February 1960 when Cuba signed a $100 million trade agreement with the Soviet Union. For the US, this budding relationship between Cuba and the USSR was deeply alarming in the context of the Cold War. The final straw came in March 1960 when a Belgian freighter exploded in Havana harbor while unloading munitions, killing dozens. Castro accused the CIA of sabotage, which the US denied.
In response to these developments, Eisenhower authorized covert operations to topple Castro and imposed economic sanctions, cutting off US purchases of Cuban sugar. Castro retaliated by nationalizing all remaining US-owned property in Cuba. By January 1961, as Eisenhower left office, diplomatic relations between the two countries had been severed.
The Kennedy Years: Covert Action and Secret Talks
When John F. Kennedy became president in 1961, he inherited a hostile relationship with Cuba and plans for covert action against Castro's government. Despite some hopes for improved ties, Kennedy's early policies only escalated tensions further.
In April 1961, Kennedy authorized the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion, in which CIA-trained Cuban exiles attempted to overthrow Castro. The invasion was quickly defeated, dealing a humiliating blow to the new administration. Publicly, Kennedy responded by imposing a full economic embargo on Cuba. But privately, he began exploring options for both confrontation and reconciliation with Castro.
Kennedy launched Operation Mongoose, a covert program to destabilize the Cuban government through sabotage and assassination attempts. At the same time, he instructed his team to develop a "secret rapprochement track" to negotiate with Castro. This dual-track approach of confrontation and engagement would characterize much of US policy toward Cuba in the coming decades.
An early sign of potential for dialogue came when Che Guevara met with a White House aide in Uruguay and sent cigars to Kennedy as a goodwill gesture. However, any progress was derailed by the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, when the US discovered Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba. The resulting standoff brought the US and USSR to the brink of nuclear war.
Even during the missile crisis, back-channel communications continued through Brazil. After the crisis was defused, Kennedy used ace negotiator James Donovan to secure the release of Bay of Pigs prisoners and maintain a line of communication with Castro. Donovan developed a warm personal rapport with the Cuban leader during multiple visits to the island.
Another key back-channel emerged through ABC News reporter Lisa Howard, who interviewed Castro and relayed messages between Havana and Washington. By late 1963, there were tentative plans for secret talks between US and Cuban officials. However, Kennedy's assassination in November 1963 abruptly halted these nascent efforts at reconciliation.
Johnson and Nixon: Hardline Policies and Hijacking Crisis
Lyndon Johnson took a harder line on Cuba after succeeding Kennedy, not wanting to appear "soft on communism." His administration tightened the embargo and travel restrictions. This led to the first major immigration crisis in 1965 when Castro opened the port of Camarioca, allowing thousands of Cubans to flee to the US by boat. The two countries were forced to negotiate an orderly airlift of Cuban refugees that continued until 1973.
Richard Nixon came into office in 1969 with an even more hostile stance, vowing there would be no change in Cuba policy under his watch. He refused to cooperate with Cuba even to address the epidemic of airplane hijackings in the early 1970s. Between 1968-1972, over 300 planes were hijacked, many by pro-Castro militants seeking asylum in Cuba. Castro was willing to prosecute hijackers, but Nixon rejected any negotiations.
Nixon's hardline approach frustrated his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who saw potential for improved relations as other Latin American countries began normalizing ties with Cuba. While Nixon was distracted by Watergate in 1974, Kissinger secretly reached out to Castro through back channels to explore talks.
Ford and Kissinger: Tentative Outreach
After Nixon's resignation, Kissinger continued his efforts at secret diplomacy with Cuba under President Gerald Ford. He approved US visas for Cuban officials, allowing face-to-face meetings for the first time in years. However, fundamental disagreements prevented progress. Cuba insisted the US lift its blockade before serious talks, while the US demanded Cuba change its foreign policy and cut ties with the Soviets first.
Talks stalled completely in 1975 when Cuba sent troops to support the leftist faction in Angola's civil war. Ford angrily ordered all negotiations to stop. Kissinger tried to keep back channels open in 1976, but events conspired against him. Cuban exiles launched terrorist attacks on Cuban targets worldwide, including the bombing of a Cuban airliner that killed 73 people. Evidence linked the attacks to former CIA operatives, infuriating Castro.
Carter: New Openings and the Mariel Boatlift
Jimmy Carter came into office in 1977 with a different approach, believing engagement and trade were the best ways to influence communist regimes. He ended spy plane flights over Cuba and established a US Interests Section in Havana as a de facto embassy. Castro responded by releasing political prisoners and recognizing dual citizenship for Cuban-Americans.
However, talks again hit an impasse over US demands that Cuba change its foreign policy on issues like Angola and Puerto Rico. Then in 1980, another major immigration crisis erupted. Facing economic hardship, thousands of Cubans sought to flee the island by boat. When the US failed to crack down on violent hijackings, Castro opened the port of Mariel, allowing over 125,000 Cubans to sail to Florida in what became known as the Mariel Boatlift.
The chaotic exodus, which included some criminals and mentally ill people that Castro had released from institutions, created a humanitarian and political crisis for Carter. It severely damaged his reelection chances and any hope of further improving relations with Cuba.
Reagan and Bush: Renewed Hostility
Ronald Reagan took a much more aggressive stance toward Cuba when he became president in 1981. He tightened sanctions and was open to military action against Castro's regime. Fearing conflict, Castro halted support for leftist rebels in Central America as a goodwill gesture. But Reagan gave no ground, instead launching Radio Marti to broadcast anti-Castro propaganda to Cuba.
The Reagan administration was forced to negotiate with Cuba on the issue of excluding and deporting Cubans with criminal records who had entered during the Mariel Boatlift. A 1984 agreement allowed for the return of these "excludables" in exchange for the US granting 20,000 immigrant visas to Cuba annually. But broader talks remained off the table.
As the Cold War wound down in the late 1980s, George H.W. Bush's administration took a wait-and-see approach, believing Castro's regime would soon collapse without Soviet support. They saw little need for engagement or policy changes.
Clinton: Electoral Politics and Immigration Crises
Bill Clinton had to balance improving relations with Cuba against the political importance of anti-Castro Cuban-American voters in Florida. His administration found ways to loosen some travel and cultural exchange restrictions while still appearing tough on Castro to satisfy Cuban-American constituents.
Clinton faced another major immigration crisis in 1994 when thousands of Cubans again took to the sea in makeshift rafts and boats. The "Balsero Crisis" led to secret back-channel talks, with Clinton promising broader engagement if Castro helped stop the flow of migrants. Castro complied, improving Clinton's reelection chances.
But progress was derailed in 1996 when Cuba shot down two planes flown by an anti-Castro exile group, killing four people. This led Congress to pass the Helms-Burton Act, which stripped the president's authority to lift sanctions on Cuba.
Clinton's term ended with the Elian Gonzalez affair in 1999-2000, when a custody battle erupted over a young Cuban boy rescued at sea. The case inflamed tensions between Cuban-Americans who wanted the boy to stay in the US and those who supported returning him to his father in Cuba. The Supreme Court's decision to send Elian back to Cuba sparked riots in Miami and likely cost Al Gore crucial votes in Florida in the 2000 election.
George W. Bush: Increased Pressure
George W. Bush took a hardline approach to Cuba, passing initiatives aimed at undermining Castro's government and tightening restrictions. These included the 2002 Initiative for a New Cuba and the 2003 Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, which promoted regime change and limited travel and remittances.
Bush showed no interest in negotiations, even as Fidel Castro's health declined and he passed power to his brother Raul in 2006. The administration seemed content to wait for the Castro regime to collapse on its own.
Obama: New Openings and Setbacks
Barack Obama campaigned on a message of changing the failed Cuba policies of the past 50 years. After taking office in 2009, he loosened restrictions on travel and cultural exchanges. However, his efforts to improve telecommunications access in Cuba backfired when Alan Gross, an American contractor, was arrested for setting up internet networks for dissidents.
Obama's first term saw little progress on Cuba relations. But his second term began with more positive signs, including the release of some Cuban and American prisoners. In a symbolic moment, Obama and Raul Castro shook hands at Nelson Mandela's memorial service in 2013, the first such public greeting between US and Cuban leaders in decades.
Key Themes and Insights
Looking at the full sweep of US-Cuba relations since 1959, several important themes and insights emerge:
The persistence of back-channel diplomacy: Even during times of intense public hostility, secret negotiations and communications continued between Washington and Havana. This highlights the importance of maintaining lines of dialogue even with adversaries.
Missed opportunities: There were multiple moments when improved relations seemed possible, but they were derailed by events, domestic politics, or ideological intransigence on both sides. This underscores how fleeting windows for diplomacy can be.
The influence of domestic politics: US policy toward Cuba was often shaped by electoral considerations, especially the importance of Cuban-American voters in Florida. This demonstrates how foreign policy can be constrained by domestic political factors.
The limits of economic pressure: Despite decades of embargo and sanctions, the Castro regime proved remarkably resilient. This calls into question the effectiveness of economic coercion as a tool for regime change.
The role of ideology: Cold War anti-communist ideology often prevented pragmatic engagement with Cuba, even when it might have served US interests. This shows how rigid ideological frameworks can hinder effective foreign policy.
The importance of respect and sovereignty: Cuba consistently bristled at US attempts to dictate its internal affairs and foreign policy. This highlights how even small nations highly value their sovereignty and resist perceived bullying by larger powers.
The impact of personality: Individual leaders and negotiators like James Donovan often made more progress through personal rapport than official policies did. This demonstrates the human element in diplomacy.
The influence of third parties: Other countries, especially in Latin America, often played important roles as intermediaries between the US and Cuba. This shows the value of leveraging regional relationships in resolving bilateral disputes.
The recurring nature of crises: Immigration crises erupted multiple times when US-Cuba tensions peaked, showing how unresolved conflicts can lead to recurring humanitarian emergencies.
The power of symbolism: Small gestures like handshakes between leaders often carried outsized importance in US-Cuba relations. This reveals how symbolic acts can be crucial in diplomacy, especially between longstanding adversaries.
Lessons for the Future
The complex history of US-Cuba relations offers several important lessons for future engagement between the two countries and for American foreign policy more broadly:
Maintain open channels: Even during times of tension, it's crucial to keep lines of communication open, whether through official or back-channel means. This allows for crisis management and creates openings for improved relations.
Be willing to engage: Policies of pure isolation and pressure have limited effectiveness. Engagement, even with adversaries, often yields better results and provides more leverage for influencing behavior.
Respect sovereignty: Heavy-handed attempts to influence another country's internal affairs often backfire. Engagement based on mutual respect for sovereignty is more likely to succeed.
Look for win-win solutions: Negotiations are more likely to succeed when both sides can claim some victory. Inflexible, zero-sum approaches rarely lead to breakthroughs.
Seize opportunities: Windows for improving relations can close quickly due to unforeseen events or changes in leadership. It's important to act decisively when opportunities arise.
Consider long-term interests: Short-term political considerations should not overshadow long-term strategic interests in foreign policy decision-making.
Use creative diplomacy: Unofficial envoys, cultural exchanges, and other forms of soft diplomacy can be effective in building bridges between adversaries.
Address humanitarian issues: Cooperating on issues like migration can build goodwill and create momentum for broader improvements in relations.
Be patient: Overcoming decades of hostility takes time. Gradual, incremental progress is often more sustainable than attempting dramatic breakthroughs.
Learn from history: Understanding the complex history of US-Cuba relations can help avoid repeating past mistakes and identify promising avenues for future engagement.
Conclusion
"Back Channel to Cuba" reveals that beneath the surface of public hostility, there has been a constant undercurrent of communication and negotiation between the United States and Cuba over the past six decades. This hidden history demonstrates both the persistent obstacles to normalization and the enduring hope on both sides that better relations are possible.
The book's detailed account of secret talks and missed opportunities offers valuable context for understanding the current state of US-Cuba relations and charting a path forward. It shows that while ideology, domestic politics, and historical grievances have often stood in the way of reconciliation, there have also been moments of pragmatism and creativity in diplomacy that point to the potential for a different kind of relationship.
As the United States and Cuba continue to navigate their complex relationship in the 21st century, the lessons from this hidden history of negotiations could prove invaluable. By learning from past successes and failures in back-channel diplomacy, future leaders may be better equipped to overcome the legacy of mistrust and build a more cooperative relationship between these two neighboring nations.
Ultimately, "Back Channel to Cuba" is not just a historical account, but a reminder of the importance of persistent diplomacy, even between sworn enemies. It suggests that with patience, creativity, and a willingness to engage, even the most intractable conflicts can potentially be resolved. As such, this book offers important insights not just for US-Cuba relations, but for the broader practice of international diplomacy in a complex and often divided world.