Introduction
Barbara Demick's "Nothing to Envy" offers a rare and intimate look into one of the most secretive and repressive regimes in the world - North Korea. Through extensive interviews with North Korean defectors, Demick paints a vivid picture of daily life under the brutal dictatorship of the Kim dynasty. The book provides a haunting account of ordinary citizens struggling to survive in a totalitarian state marked by extreme poverty, constant surveillance, and unwavering devotion to the "Great Leader."
Demick focuses her narrative on several North Koreans from the northeastern city of Chongjin, following their lives from the relative prosperity of the 1960s and 70s through the devastating famine of the 1990s that killed hundreds of thousands. She chronicles their gradual disillusionment with the regime, their dangerous escapes to China and South Korea, and their difficult adjustment to life outside the North Korean bubble.
"Nothing to Envy" offers crucial insight into how the North Korean regime has maintained its grip on power for over 70 years, indoctrinating its citizens from birth and isolating them from the outside world. At the same time, it is a deeply human story of love, loss, and the resilience of the human spirit in the face of unimaginable hardship.
The Division of Korea and the Korean War
The roots of North Korea's current situation can be traced back to the aftermath of World War II. At the time, Korea was an obscure Japanese colony of little geopolitical importance. However, as tensions rose between the United States and the Soviet Union in the post-war period, Korea suddenly found itself caught in the middle of a global power struggle.
In an attempt to maintain the delicate balance between world powers, the United States made the fateful decision to divide the Korean peninsula in two. The dividing line was arbitrarily drawn at the 38th parallel, with no regard for historical or geographical considerations. The northern half was given to the USSR as a temporary trusteeship, while the US took control of the southern half.
This division was made without any input from the Korean people themselves, who saw their country torn apart by outside forces. Neither the US nor the USSR was willing to allow Korea to reunify and regain true independence. By 1948, two separate republics had emerged - the Republic of Korea in the South under Syngman Rhee, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the North under Kim Il-sung, a former resistance fighter against Japanese occupation.
The competing claims to legitimate governance between these two states eventually led to the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. On June 25, North Korean forces backed by Soviet tanks launched a surprise attack, quickly capturing Seoul. The United States and a UN coalition of 15 nations intervened on behalf of South Korea, while China provided support to the North.
The war raged for three years, resulting in widespread devastation and the deaths of around 3 million people. When an armistice was finally signed in 1953, the border remained almost exactly where it had started - along the 38th parallel. The conflict had accomplished little beyond cementing the division of the peninsula and setting the stage for decades of tension and hostility between North and South.
The Rise of Kim Il-sung and the North Korean State
In the aftermath of the Korean War, Kim Il-sung set about consolidating his power and reshaping North Korean society according to his vision. He established a communist government with himself as president, but in reality wielded the absolute authority of a dictator. Kim created a system that rewarded loyalty with privileges while ruthlessly crushing any hint of opposition.
One of Kim's first actions was to divide North Korean society into a rigid three-tiered hierarchy based on perceived political loyalty:
- The loyal "core" class
- The "wavering" class
- The "hostile" class
A person's position in this hierarchy, known as songbun, determined nearly every aspect of their life - from education and job opportunities to housing assignments and food rations. Like a caste system, one's songbun was largely hereditary and extremely difficult to change. The children and grandchildren of those who had fought for South Korea or been landowners before the war found themselves permanently relegated to the lowest rungs of society.
To determine each citizen's songbun, Kim Il-sung instituted a system of extensive background checks beginning in 1958. Every North Korean underwent eight separate investigations to assess their political reliability. These intrusive surveys continued for decades, allowing the state to maintain detailed files on the loyalties and connections of every family.
The distribution of food and other resources was directly tied to one's songbun rating. Citizens were assigned specific days to visit state-run food distribution centers, where they could exchange work coupons and money for basic staples. Those with higher songbun received better quality and larger quantities of food. Housing assignments were similarly stratified, with the most desirable homes and neighborhoods reserved for the loyal core.
This rigid social structure served to reward regime supporters while keeping potential dissidents in a perpetual state of deprivation and powerlessness. It was a key tool in maintaining the Kim family's iron grip on power.
Indoctrination and Surveillance
Beyond the songbun system, Kim Il-sung implemented an all-encompassing program of ideological indoctrination and civilian surveillance to shape the thoughts and behaviors of North Koreans. The cornerstone of this effort was Kim's philosophy of juche, or "self-reliance."
Juche combined elements of Marxism-Leninism with Korean nationalism and the idea that North Koreans were a uniquely superior and self-sufficient people. It posited that North Korea had no need for help or influence from the outside world. Indeed, Kim Il-sung portrayed the world beyond North Korea's borders as a hostile and inferior place - there was quite literally "nothing to envy" about other countries.
This ideology was drilled into citizens through mandatory daily indoctrination sessions. Factory workers, for example, were required to attend ideological lectures as part of their work shifts. All North Koreans had to write regular essays expounding on juche principles to demonstrate their internalization of the ideology.
The state-controlled media played a crucial role in reinforcing juche and the cult of personality around the Kim family. Foreign news was heavily censored and reframed to fit the regime's narrative. South Korea was portrayed as an impoverished American puppet state, while even ally China was criticized when it began experimenting with capitalist reforms.
To ensure compliance with state ideology at the local level, neighborhoods were organized into self-policing units called inminban. The leader of each inminban was responsible for monitoring their neighbors and reporting any suspicious activities or statements to the authorities. There were also roving surveillance teams known as kyuch'aldae that could enter homes at any time to check for ideological violations.
This combination of constant indoctrination and pervasive surveillance created an atmosphere where North Koreans were afraid to express the slightest doubt or criticism, even to close friends and family members. The regime effectively atomized society, replacing normal human relationships with devotion to the state and the Kim family.
The Cult of Personality
Although communism officially rejected religion, Kim Il-sung drew heavily on religious imagery and traditions in constructing his personality cult. He presented himself as a godlike father figure to the nation, with his son and heir Kim Jong-il portrayed in a Christ-like role.
State media promoted outlandish myths about the supernatural powers and achievements of the Kim family. Songs were said to calm stormy seas, and natural phenomena like rainbows heralded the births of the leaders. Every home was required to display portraits of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, which had to be kept meticulously clean. Stories circulated of people rushing into burning buildings to save these portraits.
The Kims were upheld as geniuses in every field, from agriculture to military strategy. Their images and slogans were omnipresent in public spaces. Newlyweds would pay respects to statues of Kim Il-sung as part of their wedding ceremonies. When Kim Il-sung died in 1994, the entire country was plunged into a frenzy of grief, with crowds wailing hysterically around monuments for days. A similar outpouring occurred when Kim Jong-il died in 2011.
This quasi-religious devotion to the Kim family was a powerful tool for maintaining loyalty and compliance among the North Korean people. Even as material conditions deteriorated, many continued to blame their hardships on outside forces rather than their leaders.
Economic Collapse and Famine
Despite the rhetoric of self-reliance, North Korea's economy actually depended heavily on subsidized trade with the Soviet Union and other communist bloc countries. When the USSR collapsed in 1991, North Korea suddenly lost access to cheap oil, machinery, and other vital imports.
Without raw materials and energy, factories ground to a halt. Frequent power outages left homes and businesses in darkness. As China and Russia began demanding repayment of debts, North Korea found itself increasingly isolated and impoverished.
The situation was exacerbated by a series of floods and droughts in the mid-1990s that devastated North Korean agriculture. The state-run food distribution system began to break down. Many North Koreans, especially those with low songbun, saw their rations dwindle to nothing.
A catastrophic famine set in, killing hundreds of thousands - some estimates put the death toll as high as 3 million. The regime euphemistically referred to this period as the "Arduous March." Desperate citizens resorted to eating grass, tree bark, and even shoe leather to survive. Orphaned children roamed the streets in packs, many starving to death.
The government's insistence on maintaining its nuclear weapons program further alienated potential international aid donors. Some food aid did eventually arrive, but much of it was diverted to the military or sold on the black market by corrupt officials.
The Rise of the Black Market
As the state proved incapable of providing for people's basic needs, illegal private enterprise began to flourish out of necessity. Small-scale farming and vegetable sales were grudgingly tolerated at first. But as the crisis deepened, more extensive black markets emerged.
People began selling homemade goods like tofu and noodles. Some engaged in cross-border trade with China, smuggling in household items to resell. The most successful traders were able to accumulate significant wealth, creating a new de facto class system based on money rather than political loyalty.
Housing became a commodity to be bought and sold under the table, with bribes to officials smoothing over the legal complications. Many North Koreans became internally displaced, moving from place to place in search of food and opportunity.
The black markets were periodically cracked down on, but the regime was ultimately forced to acknowledge their necessity. In 2002, some market activities were officially legalized, though still tightly regulated. The introduction of cell phones in 2008 further facilitated private business dealings.
While these markets provided a lifeline for many, they also exacerbated inequality and corruption. Those with money or connections could access food and other necessities, while the poor continued to suffer. The social contract of mutual loyalty between citizen and state was irrevocably altered.
Defection and Escape
As conditions in North Korea deteriorated, a growing number of citizens made the perilous decision to defect. Most crossed the northern border into China, often with the help of brokers or smugglers.
The journey was extremely dangerous. Border guards had orders to shoot defectors on sight. Those caught faced severe punishment, including execution or internment in brutal labor camps that few survived.
Defectors who made it to China still faced many perils. China did not recognize them as refugees and would forcibly repatriate any that were caught. Many North Korean women were trafficked as brides to Chinese men or forced into prostitution.
The ultimate goal for most defectors was to reach South Korea, where they would automatically receive citizenship. This usually involved a long and circuitous journey through China and Southeast Asia. Those who could afford it might obtain forged South Korean passports and fly directly from China.
Upon arriving in South Korea, defectors underwent extensive debriefing and then entered integration programs to help them adjust to capitalist society. They received financial assistance and job training, but many still struggled with culture shock, discrimination, and trauma from their experiences.
The number of successful defections grew steadily over time. In 1998, only 71 North Koreans reached South Korea. By 2002, that number had grown to 1,139, and it has remained in the thousands each subsequent year.
Life in North Korea Today
Under current leader Kim Jong-un, who took power in 2012, daily life for most North Koreans remains a struggle. While there have been some economic reforms and a degree of marketization, the country is still impoverished and isolated.
Kim Jong-un has continued to prioritize military spending and nuclear weapons development over improving living standards. This has led to tightened international sanctions, further straining the economy.
There have been some signs of modernization, particularly in Pyongyang. Cell phones are now common, though strictly controlled and unable to make international calls. Some consumer goods are available in stores and markets for those who can afford them.
However, much of the country still lacks reliable electricity and other basic infrastructure. Food insecurity remains a major issue, especially in rural areas. The songbun system continues to determine access to education, jobs, and resources.
State propaganda and indoctrination remain pervasive, though the information monopoly has been somewhat eroded by smuggled South Korean media. Still, North Korea remains one of the most closed and repressive societies on Earth.
The regime goes to great lengths to present a Potemkin village image of prosperity to foreign visitors. Hotels in Pyongyang are instructed to keep their lights on when diplomats or journalists are in town. But the facade quickly drops away outside of these carefully stage-managed encounters.
Conclusion
Barbara Demick's "Nothing to Envy" provides a rare and invaluable glimpse into the hidden world of North Korea. Through the personal stories of defectors, she illuminates the human cost of decades of totalitarian rule and economic mismanagement.
The book traces the arc of North Korean society from the relative optimism of the early Kim Il-sung years through the devastation of the 1990s famine and into the current state of wary marketization under Kim Jong-un. It shows how the regime's iron grip on information and ideology began to slip as citizens were forced to fend for themselves during the worst of the crisis.
At its core, "Nothing to Envy" is a testament to the resilience of the human spirit in the face of unimaginable hardship and oppression. The North Koreans profiled in the book demonstrate remarkable courage and adaptability as they struggle to survive and eventually escape to freedom.
The book also serves as a stark warning about the dangers of totalitarianism and the cult of personality. It shows how an entire population can be systematically indoctrinated and cut off from reality, allowing leaders to maintain power even as their policies bring ruin to the country.
As North Korea continues to make headlines for its nuclear program and human rights abuses, "Nothing to Envy" reminds us of the ordinary people living behind the regime's belligerent facade. It challenges readers to consider how the international community can best help the North Korean people while contending with the very real security threats posed by the Kim regime.
Ultimately, Demick's work stands as one of the most comprehensive and accessible accounts of daily life in North Korea available to Western readers. It is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand this enigmatic country and the challenges it poses to the world.
The stories of defectors like Mrs. Song, who had to relearn basic life skills in South Korea, underscore just how profound the differences are between North Korea and the outside world. The bewilderment of North Korean refugees encountering modern capitalist society for the first time speaks volumes about the alternate reality the regime has constructed.
Yet the book also offers hope. The very fact that thousands of North Koreans have successfully escaped and built new lives demonstrates that change is possible. The increasing flow of outside information into North Korea, however limited, suggests that the regime's total control over its citizens' minds may be slowly eroding.
"Nothing to Envy" leaves readers with a deeper understanding of North Korea's past and present, as well as important questions about its future. Will the country continue its tentative economic reforms? Could growing awareness of the outside world spark demands for change from within? How long can the Kim dynasty maintain its grip on power?
While the answers to these questions remain uncertain, Demick's work ensures that the voices and experiences of ordinary North Koreans will not be forgotten as their country's story continues to unfold. By humanizing a people often reduced to caricatures or statistics, "Nothing to Envy" makes a vital contribution to our understanding of one of the world's most opaque and troubling regimes.