Introduction
Ta-Nehisi Coates' "We Were Eight Years in Power" is a powerful exploration of race relations in America during and after Barack Obama's presidency. Through a collection of essays originally published in The Atlantic, Coates examines the complex interplay between race, politics, and society in the United States. The book offers a candid and often sobering look at the persistence of racism and white supremacy, even in the wake of the nation's first Black president.
The Rise of Black Voices
With Obama's historic election in 2008, a new wave of prominent Black writers and speakers emerged. This surge in Black voices was both a result of and a response to the changing political landscape. However, Coates is quick to point out that not all of these voices spoke the truth about the Black experience in America.
One such voice that Coates takes issue with is that of comedian Bill Cosby. In the summer of 2016, Coates attended a speech by Cosby at Detroit's St Paul Church of God in Christ. There, Cosby preached to the Black audience about discipline, moral reform, and personal responsibility. He argued that while racism may be ever-present, it's no excuse for Black Americans to fail.
Cosby's message, particularly in his infamous "Pound Cake speech" at the NAACP in 2004, was even more problematic. He attacked Black Americans for giving their children African names and claimed that segregation had produced "good things" by forcing Black people to learn self-sufficiency. Coates strongly disagrees with this perspective, seeing it as a dangerous internalization of white racism that blames Black culture for societal problems rather than addressing systemic racism and the need for criminal justice reform.
Michelle Obama: An Unexpected Narrative
In 2008, amid the euphoria of Obama's election, Coates was assigned to write a profile on Michelle Obama for The Atlantic. What he discovered surprised him. Instead of a narrative focused on slavery and white oppression, Michelle Obama's story was one of family, community, and the universal experiences of women in American society.
Michelle spoke of her "very fortunate upbringing" on Chicago's South Side and her nostalgia for childhood. This sentiment, Coates notes, is actually quite common among Black Americans. For Michelle, growing up in a predominantly Black community meant that her racial identity was largely irrelevant until she went to Princeton and became more self-conscious about her race.
This transition from a cocoon-like childhood to a more racially aware adulthood is, according to Coates, almost universal for Black Americans. Many feel a sense of home in their childhood communities but begin to code-switch as they enter the wider world, distancing themselves from aspects of Blackness they perceive as illegitimate in American culture and adopting tropes of white society.
The Centrality of Slavery in American History
Coates argues that conventional American history has downplayed the role of slavery, presenting it as an early sin that the country has moved past. However, his research into the American Civil War revealed that slavery was not just an original sin but the very foundation upon which America was built.
Slavery was the cornerstone of white economic prosperity and social equality that allowed American democracy to take hold. When the Civil War began in 1861, cotton produced by American slaves made up 60 percent of the country's exports, worth an astounding $75 billion. Despite this, prevailing narratives around the Civil War often minimize the role of slavery, instead focusing on failed negotiations between North and South.
Coates contends that this misrepresentation of history erodes the central role that slavery played and obscures the fact that half of America wanted a country built on the idea of Black people as property. He argues that people prefer a more comfortable narrative that sees slavery as an isolated incident rather than the institution that sparked the Civil War.
The Legacy of Malcolm X
Malcolm X, despite being a controversial and often paradoxical figure, played a crucial role in shaping African-American consciousness. Before Malcolm X, the word "Black" was universally insulting, a reflection of the self-hatred instilled by systemic racism. Malcolm X changed this by giving Black Americans back their pride.
In 1962, Malcolm X famously asked, "who taught you to hate the color of your skin?" and "who taught you to hate your own kind?" These questions challenged Black Americans to embrace their Blackness. Through Malcolm's influence, Black Americans began to see themselves as complete people, leading to phrases like "Black is beautiful" and "it's a Black thing, you wouldn't understand."
This early Black consciousness continues to impact society today, with the contemporary hip-hop movement being a direct descendant of this newfound pride. Malcolm X's influence even extended to Barack Obama, who mentions his admiration for Malcolm in his memoir. Both men share themes of self-creation in their speeches and consider themselves wanderers who began their political journeys in the Black community and church before outgrowing these spaces.
Obama's Presidency: Victory and Backlash
Barack Obama's election as the first Black president of the United States was a monumental achievement for Black Americans. It realized a collective dream as old as the country itself, interrupting the seemingly endless streak of white presidents that symbolized white domination of US political power. Obama's victory instilled a new confidence in Black America, allowing parents to tell their children they could accomplish anything and know it was true.
However, Coates argues that Obama's presidency did not usher in a post-racial United States. Instead, it triggered a frightening racist backlash. Obama himself was reluctant to speak about race, doing so less than any other Democratic president since 1961. When he did address racial issues, it often resulted in a backlash of racist politics from the right.
For example, when Obama spoke about the tragic shooting of Trayvon Martin in 2012, saying that if he had a son, he would look like Martin, it turned what was previously considered a national tragedy into racially charged political fodder. Republicans like Newt Gingrich questioned whether Obama was suggesting that the shooting of a white teenager would have been justified, while the Tea Party accused Obama of favoring Black people.
The Case for Reparations
In 2014, Coates published an article in The Atlantic titled "The Case for Reparations." While the demand for reparations for African-Americans might seem radical to some, Coates argues that there's just cause to consider compensating Black Americans for the racial atrocities of the past.
Coates points out that American wealth was founded on Black slavery. Before the Civil War, American slaves were worth more than all the manufacturing, railroads, and total productive capacity of the US combined. This wealth concentration led to the Mississippi Valley having the highest concentration of millionaires per capita in the country in 1860.
Even after slavery, Black Americans continued to face economic exploitation and discrimination. When they fled the South for the North in the twentieth century, they encountered new forms of discrimination, particularly in housing. Banks wouldn't lend to Black Americans, forcing them to fall prey to white profiteers who sold houses at inflated prices with exploitative conditions. This legacy of housing discrimination contributes to the fact that Black people remain the most segregated ethnic group in America today.
Furthermore, following the Great Depression, when Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal politics established a social safety net to protect the poor, some 65 percent of African-Americans were ineligible. Given this long history of economic exploitation and exclusion, Coates argues that it's time to consider repaying the debt of America's racist past through reparations.
The Criminalization of Black Americans
Coates highlights the alarming incarceration rates in the United States, which surpass even those of autocratic countries like Russia and China. More troubling still is the racial disparity in these rates, with Black Americans being locked up at a far higher rate than whites.
In 2002, one out of every ten Black males between the ages of 20 and 40 was incarcerated, a rate ten times higher than for white males in the same age range. By 2010, 33 percent of male Black high-school dropouts between 20 and 39 were in prison, compared to just 13 percent for whites. Shockingly, one in every four Black men born since the late 1970s has been in prison at some point.
This mass incarceration has far-reaching effects on Black communities. It turns every Black man into a potential suspect, disrupts families by removing primary financial providers, and makes it extremely difficult for those with criminal records to find employment upon release. Harvard sociologist Devah Pager even found that Black men without criminal records fared worse in the job market than white men with criminal records, given equal qualifications.
Coates traces the roots of this criminalization back to before the Civil War, when many areas prohibited Black people from engaging in activities open to whites, such as learning to read or walking with a cane. After the war, Black Americans who couldn't find employment were often jailed for vagrancy. Today, this legacy continues with the heavy policing of Black neighborhoods, leading to higher rates of detection and arrest.
Obama's Unique Perspective
Barack Obama's background gave him a different perspective on race relations in America, making him a committed optimist and consensus builder. Unlike many Black Americans who harbor a deep mistrust of white America, Obama maintained a belief in a truly United States of America, seeing no division between Black and white America.
This unique viewpoint stems from Obama's upbringing. Born to a white American mother and a Black Kenyan father who left early in his life, Obama was raised in a white household. This family environment instilled in him a different perspective on race. His mother's love for a Black man led him to grow up thinking that being Black was "cool," and his loving family gave him faith in white America.
This upbringing allowed Obama to build connections between Black and white communities in a way few others could. He could sincerely connect with Black people while never doubting white people, extending a trusting hand across racial lines. This ability to navigate the color line with agility was crucial to his election and survival as president.
However, Coates notes that Obama's legacy has been followed closely by a man whose political career is founded on the racist myth that Obama isn't even American. The election of Donald Trump, in Coates' view, is a clear sign of the racist backlash against Obama's presidency.
The Persistence of Racism
Throughout "We Were Eight Years in Power," Coates consistently returns to the theme of racism's persistence in American society. Despite the historic achievement of Obama's presidency, deeply seated historical myths continue to poison a divided society.
Coates argues that the idea of a post-racial America following Obama's election was always a fantasy. The backlash against Obama's presidency, culminating in the election of Donald Trump, demonstrates the enduring power of white supremacy in American politics and society.
The author emphasizes that racism is not a simple problem with easy solutions. It's deeply ingrained in American institutions, from the criminal justice system to housing policies to education. Addressing these systemic issues requires more than just individual changes in attitude; it necessitates a fundamental restructuring of American society and a honest reckoning with the country's racist past.
The Role of Black Writers and Intellectuals
Coates reflects on his own role as a Black writer and intellectual during the Obama era. He acknowledges the opportunities and platform he was given, particularly through his work with The Atlantic, but also grapples with the responsibilities and challenges that come with this position.
As a prominent Black voice, Coates feels a duty to speak truth to power and to challenge comfortable narratives about race in America. He's critical of those, like Bill Cosby, who he believes internalize and perpetuate damaging racist ideologies. At the same time, he's aware of the potential limitations and pitfalls of his position, including the risk of being seen as a token or of having his words co-opted or misinterpreted.
Throughout the book, Coates emphasizes the importance of rigorous historical analysis and unflinching honesty in discussions about race. He argues that only by fully acknowledging and understanding America's racist past and present can we hope to create a more just future.
The Impact of Obama's Presidency
While Coates is clear-eyed about the limitations of Obama's presidency in terms of addressing systemic racism, he also acknowledges its profound symbolic importance. The election of a Black man to the highest office in the land was a watershed moment in American history, one that inspired hope and pride in many Black Americans.
However, Coates argues that this symbolic victory also exposed the depths of racism in American society. The virulent opposition to Obama, often couched in coded language about his birthplace or his "un-American" values, revealed how threatening the idea of Black power remains to many white Americans.
Moreover, Coates suggests that Obama's presidency, for all its historic significance, did little to change the material conditions of most Black Americans. Issues like wealth inequality, housing discrimination, and mass incarceration persisted and in some cases worsened during Obama's tenure.
The Future of Race Relations in America
In the final sections of the book, Coates turns his attention to the future of race relations in America. While he's clear-eyed about the challenges ahead, particularly in light of the backlash represented by Trump's election, he also sees reasons for hope.
Coates points to the rise of movements like Black Lives Matter as evidence of a new generation of activists committed to addressing systemic racism. He also notes the increasing willingness of some white Americans to grapple honestly with the country's racist past and present.
However, he cautions against easy optimism or the belief that progress is inevitable. Meaningful change, Coates argues, will require sustained effort and a willingness to confront uncomfortable truths about American history and society.
Conclusion
"We Were Eight Years in Power" is a profound and challenging exploration of race in America during a pivotal period in the country's history. Through his essays, Coates offers a nuanced and often sobering assessment of the state of race relations in the post-Obama era.
The book serves as both a celebration of the historic achievement of Obama's presidency and a stark reminder of the enduring power of racism in American society. Coates challenges readers to look beyond surface-level progress and to confront the deep-seated racial inequalities that continue to shape American life.
Ultimately, "We Were Eight Years in Power" is a call to action. It urges readers to engage seriously with America's racist past and present, to challenge comfortable myths about racial progress, and to work towards a more just and equitable future. While the path forward may be difficult and uncertain, Coates suggests that only through honest reckoning and sustained effort can America hope to live up to its professed ideals of equality and justice for all.