Book cover of The Daughters of Kobani by Gayle Tzemach Lemmon

The Daughters of Kobani

by Gayle Tzemach Lemmon

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In the heart of Syria, amidst the chaos of civil war and the rise of ISIS, an extraordinary group of women emerged as unlikely heroes. "The Daughters of Kobani" by Gayle Tzemach Lemmon tells the inspiring story of Kurdish women who took up arms to fight against ISIS and for women's rights in a culture that had long denied them. This book follows the journeys of four remarkable women - Azeema, Rojda, Nowruz, and Znarin - as they transform from ordinary citizens into fierce warriors and leaders in the battle against extremism.

A Nation Divided

The Soccer Match That Sparked a Revolution

It all began with a soccer match in the early 2000s. In the Syrian town of Qamishli, two rival clubs faced off in a championship game. The home team was made up of Kurds, a stateless ethnic group spread across four Middle Eastern nations. Their opponents were from Deir Ezzor, a town with a majority Arab population.

What started as a typical match with trash-talking and insults soon turned ugly. A brawl broke out, and Syrian authorities arrived to intervene. But their intervention was far from peaceful. Police opened fire on unarmed Kurdish fans, killing over two dozen and injuring a hundred more.

This shocking act of violence sparked outrage among young Kurds. They lashed out at local governments, inciting riots and defacing murals. The uprising spread to nearby towns, resulting in the destruction of government offices and the jailing of thousands of Kurds.

Though the unrest lasted only two weeks, it marked a significant turning point in Syrian politics. It revealed the willingness of young Kurds to confront the Syrian government, led by dictator Bashar al-Assad. This newfound courage would be put to the test again seven years later, in 2011 - the year that marked the start of the Syrian civil war.

The Syrian Civil War Begins

In early 2011, a group of young Syrian schoolboys organized a peaceful protest against the Assad regime on school grounds. Assad's response was brutal: the boys were rounded up, arrested, and tortured. They were beaten, electrocuted, and hanged upside down.

Outraged by this cruelty, the boys' fathers and other Syrians organized a march in the city of Deraa. Once again, it was a peaceful demonstration. But Assad's forces responded with violence, opening fire on the protesters. This act of aggression sparked protests in surrounding towns, and before long, the conflict grew into a global conflagration.

As the civil war escalated, millions of Syrians were displaced from their homes. Meanwhile, global powers like Russia, the United States, Qatar, Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia sought to use the conflict to fight proxy wars among themselves.

The Rise of the Kurdish Militias

In the midst of this chaos, young people in the majority-Kurdish regions of northeastern Syria began signing up to fight in militias called People's Protection Units, known collectively as the YPG. The YPG took a unique stance in the conflict. While they didn't support Assad, they didn't necessarily want to see his regime toppled either. Their primary objective was Kurdish autonomy.

Rather than aligning with one side or the other, the Kurds fought to protect their regions from external attack, regardless of who the aggressor was. At the same time, they feared the Islamic extremism they saw stirring among the anti-Assad rebels.

Their fears were well-founded. Taking advantage of the chaos and power vacuums created by the civil war, a group called the Islamic State - better known as ISIS or ISIL - was setting up to take control of territory and spread its ideology throughout the Middle East.

Dueling Ideologies

The Rise of ISIS

ISIS emerged as a force of extreme brutality and oppression. Their goal was to revive the Islamic empire of the seventh century and reign supreme from the Middle East to the far reaches of the world. As they gained power, it became clear that their interpretation of Sharia law would be enforced without mercy. They beheaded, imprisoned, and murdered any who stood in their way.

A cornerstone of ISIS's worldview was the oppression, subjugation, and enslavement of women. This became horrifyingly clear when ISIS reached the Iraqi town of Sinjar in August 2014. There, they unleashed their full brutality on the Yazidis, a religious minority they deemed "devil worshippers." ISIS forces rounded up and shot men and boys, kidnapped girls and women, and distributed them as spoils to their fighters. They even formed a market for the trade and sale of these girls and women.

The Ideology of the Kurdish Militias

In stark contrast to ISIS stood the ideology of the People's Protection Units. The YPG drew inspiration from Abdullah Öcalan, a charismatic Turkish activist who had founded the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the mid-1970s.

Öcalan's philosophy centered on two main principles: Kurdish independence and women's rights. He insisted that women must be equal to men for a society to be truly free. The PKK's ideas spread into Syria in the late 1970s, taking root in Kurdish towns and cities.

Eventually, Öcalan's ideas crystallized into a new Syrian Kurdish political group: the Democratic Union Party. This party helped found the YPG, which rose up in response to Assad's aggression in the early 2000s. At YPG meetings, leaders passed around papers Öcalan had written on patriarchy, class, and history.

For the YPG, the fight against ISIS was more than just a physical battle - it was an ideological one. ISIS's worldview represented an extreme version of everything the YPG stood against. Defeating ISIS was merely the first step in achieving their ultimate goal of women's rights and Kurdish autonomy.

Four Kurdish Women Take Up Arms

Azeema: The Fearless Sniper

Azeema's journey began when she was just 13 years old. Watching a Syrian soap opera with her older sister, she witnessed a character being abused by her husband. Fearing her newly engaged sister might face similar treatment, Azeema declared, "You shouldn't get married. I'm never getting married. Ever."

Raised on Öcalan's teachings by her father, Azeema strongly believed in women's liberation and Kurdish rights. When the Syrian civil war broke out in 2011, she seized the opportunity to fight for her beliefs and joined the YPG.

Rojda: The Quiet Rebel

At her first YPG meeting, Azeema was surprised to recognize her childhood friend and distant relative, Rojda. Unlike the boisterous Azeema, Rojda was quiet and calm. But her silence didn't mean passivity. As a child, Rojda had stood up to her conservative uncle who tried to stop her from playing soccer, declaring that "Soccer is for everyone."

Nowruz: The Determined Leader

Nowruz, nearly a decade older than Azeema and Rojda, became their leader in the YPG. From a young age, Nowruz had been sensitive to the plight of women in her culture. Her mother, forced into an arranged marriage, always told her, "Don't be like me... Never rely on others for your future." Nowruz took this advice to heart, determined to pursue her dreams.

Znarin: The Defiant Dreamer

Znarin, another recruit, had also aspired to become a doctor. However, her deeply conservative family crushed her dreams. At 17, her father pulled her out of school at the insistence of her uncle, who opposed girls receiving an education. Later, when Znarin's uncle tried to force her into marrying her cousin, she refused to obey.

The Formation of the Women's Protection Units (YPJ)

By 2013, women had been fighting alongside men in the YPG for two years. Seeking recognition for their contributions, they formed their own separate but equal part of the YPG called the YPJ, or Women's Protection Units. The YPJ consisted of both women and men fighters, but their leaders were exclusively women.

These four women - Azeema, Rojda, Nowruz, and Znarin - would soon face their greatest challenge in the city of Kobani, where their courage, skills, and ideals would be put to the ultimate test.

An Alliance is Forged

The Battle for Kobani Begins

In January 2014, Azeema found herself in command of several hundred YPG and YPJ members stationed in Kobani. ISIS had begun its assault on the city in mid-September 2014, recognizing its strategic importance as a gateway between their self-declared capital, Raqqa, and the Syrian city of Aleppo.

As ISIS continued to gain ground throughout the year, the Kurdish forces received an unexpected offer of support from a powerful ally: the United States.

The U.S. Enters the Fray

Initially, President Obama had dismissed ISIS as "junior varsity." However, the rapid fall of major cities like Raqqa and Mosul, coupled with the horrific treatment of the Yazidis in Sinjar, forced the U.S. to reconsider its stance.

Reluctant to commit ground forces to another Middle Eastern conflict, the U.S. sought a local partner willing to fight ISIS without attempting to topple Assad's regime. After careful consideration, they set their sights on the Syrian Kurds in the People's Protection Units.

Several factors worked in the YPG's favor:

  1. They had a history of standing up to ISIS
  2. They had recently rescued thousands of Yazidis from Mount Sinjar
  3. They sought self-rule rather than regime change

After a series of discussions, the Americans decided to commit to the partnership. This alliance would soon be put to the test as ISIS launched its assault on Kobani.

Kobani Under Siege

The Front Lines of Battle

As ISIS tightened its grip on Kobani, controlling three-quarters of the city by the end of September 2014, the Kurdish forces found themselves in a desperate situation. Azeema and Rojda fought as commanders on the front lines, reporting to Nowruz, who led the entire YPJ. Znarin served as Nowruz's aide.

Nowruz made the difficult decision to pull back and fortify every possible street in Kobani, preparing for a street-by-street, house-by-house battle against ISIS.

Azeema's Daring Rescue

One day, Azeema received a desperate call from Dilawer, one of her fighters trapped with others in a building surrounded by ISIS. Despite Nowruz's orders to stay in position, Azeema knew she had to act. Running on little sleep and even less food, she led a small team through ISIS-controlled streets to reach the trapped fighters.

Realizing they needed cover to escape, Azeema made the crucial decision to call for an American airstrike. Minutes after her request, a B-1 bomber shook the earth, dropping its payload on nearby buildings. The resulting smoke provided enough cover for Azeema to rescue all 25 of her trapped comrades.

The Tide Begins to Turn

As the months wore on, ISIS's power in Kobani slowly began to wane. American aid expanded, with airdrops delivering much-needed medical supplies, ammunition, and arms to the Kurdish forces. However, ISIS remained relentless in its attacks, pushing Nowruz and her commanders to their limits.

Kobani Victorious

Azeema's Close Call

In January 2015, as U.S. airstrikes devastated ISIS convoys and supplies, optimism grew among the Kurdish forces. However, the fighting remained intense and dangerous. During one offensive against a school held by ISIS, Azeema found herself in a direct firefight with an enemy fighter.

In the exchange of gunfire, Azeema was shot in the chest. Despite her injury, she managed to wound her opponent before being evacuated to a hospital. The bullet had narrowly missed her heart, and although she tried to argue that she could return to her squad immediately, the doctor refused to allow it.

The Fall of ISIS in Kobani

Twenty days later, on January 26, the battle for Kobani was over. Azeema, still recovering from her wound, joined five male commanders to officially declare victory. With the crucial support of American air power, the Kurdish ground forces had successfully driven ISIS from this key battleground.

Expanding the Alliance

The victory in Kobani proved to the Americans that the YPG was a formidable and trustworthy partner. However, to confront ISIS more effectively and establish bases in non-Kurdish majority areas, the alliance needed to expand to include Arab fighters as well.

After a failed attempt to train and arm moderate Syrian opposition fighters, the U.S. made an offer to the Kurds: if they could formally add Arabs to their ranks, the U.S. would support the coalition. The Kurds quickly complied with this request.

The Birth of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)

To reflect the inclusivity of this new coalition, a new name was needed - one that made it clear the force included Syrians of all backgrounds and didn't suggest the Syrian Kurds were seeking their own nation. On the recommendation of Mazlum Abdi, the leader of the YPG, they settled on the name "Syrian Democratic Forces" or SDF.

This new alliance would soon face its next major challenge: the liberation of Manbij.

Taking Back Manbij

The Euphrates Crossing

On May 30, 2016, Nowruz stood atop a hill overlooking the Euphrates River, watching as SDF boats attempted to cross to the other side. Their destination was Manbij, a northern Syrian city of 300,000 people that had been under ISIS control for two years.

The river crossing was fraught with danger. ISIS fighters held the high ground on the opposite bank, leaving the SDF forces exposed as they made their way across. Despite her outward calm, Nowruz's stomach churned with anxiety as she waited for news of the first successful crossing.

Znarin's Leadership Test

Among those crossing the river was Znarin, now in command of her own fighting force of 50 soldiers. When Nowruz had given her the promotion, Znarin had doubted her readiness. But Nowruz had faith in her abilities, and now Znarin was about to face her first real test as a leader.

Six days into the operation, Znarin's squad had lost several fighters to ISIS snipers. Recognizing the need to boost morale, Znarin channeled Nowruz's inspirational leadership style. She rallied her troops with a stirring speech: "They want to break us and to make us weak, but we can't let them. We're not just fighting for ourselves, but for humanity."

The Long Battle for Manbij

The fight to capture Manbij proved to be a grueling ordeal for Znarin and the SDF. ISIS employed brutal tactics, including hidden explosives, car bombs, and human shields. But by late June, the SDF was ready to capture the city center.

Even then, ISIS chose to go down fighting. It wasn't until August 12 that a convoy finally emerged from the city, carrying ISIS fighters, their families, and hostages. This marked the end of the battle for Manbij and a significant victory for the SDF.

For Znarin, the Manbij campaign was a transformative experience. It was the first time she had led forces directly from the field, marking her transition from a follower to a true leader. The success in Manbij set the stage for the SDF's most ambitious operation yet: the assault on Raqqa, the capital of the Islamic State.

Heart of Darkness

Rojda's Command

As the SDF prepared to take on Raqqa, Rojda found herself at the head of a force 4,000 strong, a mix of Arab and Kurdish fighters, both men and women. The YPJ had grown from a small, defiant group into a formidable fighting force of several thousand.

Rojda herself had evolved as a leader. Her quiet confidence inspired her fighters in a way quite different from Azeema's bold brashness. No longer afraid in combat, Rojda had become intimately familiar with the sights, sounds, and smells of war. She had experienced the pain of losing comrades and the burning desire for revenge against ISIS. She was ready to take on the heart of the Islamic State.

The Battle for Tabqa

Before launching the assault on Raqqa, the SDF needed to secure Tabqa, a nearby town with a crucial dam. The dam was a critical source of electricity, clean water, and irrigation for the region. If left in ISIS hands, it could serve as a pathway for troop reinforcements during the Raqqa campaign.

The fight for the Tabqa dam was long and grueling. Rojda's forces laid siege to it for over a month before ISIS finally relented. The victory was crucial, but it left Rojda's fighters utterly exhausted. Yet she knew that the upcoming battle for Raqqa would push them even further.

The Assault on Raqqa

As Rojda and her forces, including Znarin, advanced toward Raqqa, they faced fierce resistance. ISIS snipers and mortar fire slowed their progress, while suicide bombers hid in buildings, waiting to detonate their explosives as SDF troops approached. The terrorists had also hidden mines throughout the city, even inside everyday objects like tea kettles.

Despite these obstacles, the SDF made steady progress. By the first week of July, Rojda's forces had captured a quarter of the city. By the end of August, they controlled two-thirds. At the start of October, ISIS held only the central hospital and stadium. Yet they stubbornly refused to surrender.

The Fall of Raqqa

In mid-October, tribal elders in Raqqa proposed a plan to end the bloodshed. They offered to organize transportation out of the city for the remaining ISIS fighters. Although neither the Americans nor Rojda's forces were entirely happy with the deal, they accepted it to minimize further casualties.

On October 15, a convoy of over a hundred vehicles transported 300 ISIS fighters and more than 3,000 civilians, including 400 hostages, to the nearby town of Markada. The remaining ISIS forces in Raqqa were given an ultimatum: leave on the buses or face the next SDF offensive.

Two days later, on October 17, the black flag of ISIS no longer flew above Raqqa's central hospital. In its place waved the yellow flag of the SDF. The battle for Raqqa, the capital of the Islamic State, was over.

One Fight Ends, Another Begins

Celebration in Paradise Square

As Rojda rode in a white pickup truck towards Raqqa's Naim Square, also known as Paradise Square, an eerie silence had descended upon the city. The constant sounds of warfare - gunshots, mortars, car bombs, suicide attacks - were suddenly absent. It was time to celebrate their victory over the Islamic State.

Paradise Square held a dark history under ISIS rule. Renamed "Hell Square," it had been the site of public executions, where enemies were blindfolded, lined up, and shot. It was where women were kept in cages until they could be sold to the highest bidder, and where ISIS cut off the hands and heads of those who broke their rules, displaying the severed heads on metal stakes around the square.

As Rojda traveled through the city, she witnessed the full extent of the devastation wrought by ISIS and the battle to defeat them: rubble-strewn streets, bombed-out buildings, and torn-up infrastructure. The task of rebuilding would be enormous, requiring significant time and resources.

But on this day of victory, such concerns were set aside. In Naim Square, Rojda and her fighters acknowledged the sacrifices they had made to defeat ISIS. They ran and danced across the square, waving flags and pumping their fists, allowing themselves to hope for a better future.

Ideological Tensions

However, the celebrations also highlighted the ideological tensions between the Kurdish forces and their American allies. Above the square waved a flag depicting Abdullah Öcalan, the man whose ideas formed the core of the YPG's ideology. For many in the American State Department, that flag confirmed their fears that their partners had turned out to be political zealots.

But for Rojda, Znarin, and their comrades, Öcalan was a key symbolic aspect of their victory. Without him and his philosophy of women's liberation, there may never have been a YPG in the first place. The presence of his image at their moment of triumph was a testament to the power of his ideas in motivating their fight against ISIS.

The Syrian Democratic Council and a New Constitution

In December 2015, a political counterpart to the SDF had been formed: the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC). One of the SDC's primary goals was to create a constitution for the entirety of northeastern Syria. By the time Raqqa fell, that constitution was in place, though it wasn't recognized by any sovereign nations.

The Social Contract of the Democratic Federal System of Northern Syria, as the constitution was called, was a radical document. It placed women's rights at its center, guaranteeing that women would co-lead all towns under its jurisdiction. The constitution enshrined women's freedoms and rights, making it clear that women should enjoy free will in their family lives. It treated violence, manipulation, and discrimination against women as punishable crimes.

This constitution was made possible by the actions of brave women like Azeema, Rojda, Nowruz, and Znarin. Their courage on the battlefield had proven that women could fight as snipers and field commanders, sacrificing their lives for their people. Through their actions, they had shown the world the possibility of women taking their place as men's equals. And it was this possibility that these women vowed to continue fighting for, even after the defeat of ISIS.

The Aftermath and Ongoing Struggles

The End of ISIS and New Threats

After the fall of Raqqa, the SDF continued its campaign against the remaining ISIS outposts. The official end of the conflict was declared on March 23, 2019, marking the territorial defeat of the Islamic State in Syria.

However, the Kurdish forces found themselves facing a new threat just six months later. This time, the aggressor was not a terrorist organization or the Assad regime, but a sovereign nation: Turkey. The Turkish government had long ago designated the YPG as a terrorist organization due to its ties to Abdullah Öcalan and the PKK.

Turkey launched an offensive into northeastern Syria, taking control of a portion of the region along their shared border. They continue to threaten attacks on Kobani and other Kurdish-majority cities. A diminished U.S. presence remains in the area, with American soldiers assisting the Syrian Kurds and providing some measure of leverage against further Turkish aggression.

Personal Transformations

For Nowruz, Znarin, Azeema, and Rojda, the end of the war against ISIS brought both hope and new challenges. Each of them longed for an end to the ongoing conflicts in their homeland. Despite the uncertainties, some aspects of their lives had improved, particularly in their family relationships.

Rojda, whose uncle had once tried to stop her from playing soccer, found that he now actively sought out her advice. Znarin, whose uncle had prevented her from getting an education and nearly forced her into an arranged marriage, now counted him among her friends. These personal transformations reflected the broader societal changes that their fight had helped to bring about.

An Uncertain Future

The future of northeastern Syria and the Kurdish women and men living there remains uncertain. The region faces ongoing threats from Turkey, the possibility of a resurgent ISIS, and the challenge of rebuilding after years of devastating conflict. The status of the Kurdish-controlled areas within Syria is still unresolved, with no international recognition of their autonomy.

Despite these challenges, the Kurdish women who fought against ISIS remain determined to continue their struggle for rights and equality. They have shown the world that they will no longer allow others to dictate what they should want or how they should ask for it. Instead, they are committed to telling their own stories and making their voices heard.

Conclusion: The Legacy of the Daughters of Kobani

The story of the Daughters of Kobani is one of extraordinary courage, resilience, and transformation. Azeema, Rojda, Nowruz, and Znarin, along with thousands of other Kurdish women, defied societal expectations and risked their lives to fight against one of the most brutal terrorist organizations in modern history. In doing so, they not only helped to defeat ISIS but also challenged deeply ingrained cultural norms about the role of women in their society.

Their journey from ordinary citizens to battlefield commanders and political leaders demonstrates the power of conviction and the potential for radical change. These women proved that gender is no barrier to bravery, leadership, or military prowess. They showed that women could be just as effective as men in combat roles, and often brought unique perspectives and skills to the fight.

The impact of their actions extends far beyond the battlefield. By taking up arms and leading troops, they shattered stereotypes and opened up new possibilities for women in their communities. The constitution they helped to create, with its emphasis on women's rights and equality, represents a vision for a more just and inclusive society in a region long dominated by patriarchal traditions.

However, the story of the Daughters of Kobani is not just about women's empowerment. It's also a testament to the power of diverse coalitions in the face of extremism. The alliance between the Kurdish forces and the United States, despite its complications and tensions, proved crucial in the defeat of ISIS. The formation of the Syrian Democratic Forces, bringing together Kurdish and Arab fighters, demonstrated the potential for cooperation across ethnic lines in pursuit of a common goal.

Yet, the aftermath of their victory also highlights the complex realities of geopolitics in the Middle East. The Kurdish forces, after playing a pivotal role in defeating ISIS, found themselves facing new threats from Turkey and uncertainty about their future status. Their story serves as a reminder of the often-harsh realities faced by stateless peoples and the challenges of navigating international alliances.

Despite these ongoing challenges, the legacy of the Daughters of Kobani endures. They have become symbols of resistance and empowerment, not just for Kurdish women, but for women around the world fighting against oppression and for equal rights. Their story challenges conventional narratives about women in the Middle East and highlights the diverse and complex realities of the region.

As the world continues to grapple with extremism, authoritarianism, and gender inequality, the example set by these Kurdish women remains relevant and inspiring. They remind us that change is possible, even in the most difficult circumstances, and that the fight for equality and justice is a universal one.

The Daughters of Kobani may have won their battle against ISIS, but their struggle for full equality and recognition continues. Their story is far from over, and the world would do well to continue listening to their voices and supporting their aspirations. For in their fight for their own rights and freedoms, they are also fighting for a more just and equal world for all of us.

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